A Senate panel in Washington, D.C. heard testimony yesterday
from victims who suffered rape and abuse while serving in the United States
Military.
Former Army sergeant Rebekah Hayrilla was raped by a
superior while deployed to Afghanistan and told the panel, “I chose not to do a
report of any kind because I had no faith in my chain of command.”
Speaking for the victims and to the senior military leaders
present for the testimony, Kirsten E. Gillibrand, Democrat of New York and
chairwoman of the Senate Armed Services personnel subcommittee said, “The issue
of sexual violence in the military is not new, and it has been allowed to go on
in the shadows for far too long.”
Pentagon records indicate that 19,000 sexual assaults are
reported each year, a marked increase since the military engaged in a decade of
constant war with a minimal force. Last year the Pentagon released a report
showing a 30 percent increase in sexual offenses and domestic violence since
2006. Army Vice Chief of Staff Gen.
Peter Chiarelli told Congress, “After 10 years of war with an all-volunteer
force, you’re going to have problems that no one could have forecasted before
this began.”
Mental health providers will tell you that sexual assault
has nothing to do with sex and everything to do with stress, a sense of
powerlessness, self-esteem problems, experienced trauma and a host of other
non-sexual mental health issues.
It is clear that the military has a problem; the 99 percent
(including the Senate subcommittee members) should not be surprised when they demand
that a miniscule minority of the population take on the burden of ten years of
war. The problems the military faces are
two fold; first they are not supporting the victims of sexual violence, and
secondly they are not providing the training and mental health support to
soldiers, sailors, and airman to prevent the assaults in the first place.
The danger for the military and society as a whole is that
the outrage and the rightly placed empathy for victims will result in a
kneejerk reaction forcing the military to prosecute assault cases either in a
civilian court or institute a civilian based incarceration model of criminal
justice. We have seen this kneejerk
reaction before, the U.S. leads the world in percent of prison population and
long harsh punitive sentencing.
The civilian leadership has always recognized the unique
challenges and stress placed on the military.
For this reason the military was allowed to institute its own form of
justice called the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). This code allows the military to institute justice
along a vast continuum of punishment possibilities. The code allows a service member to be confined
to base or to his barracks; it allows the military to garnish wages, it can
require and enforce that the service member pay child support and restitution,
it can require and enforce that a service member participate in mental health
treatment. The UCMJ can also send a
service member to prison for life.
This system of justice allows the military to individually
tailor justice to the offense, the victim, and the service member and attempts
to find a balance of justice that serves all parties and circumstances. Shocked civilians and subcommittee members that
say this system is not doing enough to punish those that are defending the
country should look at our own civilian justice system that routinely prosecutes
and incarcerates minorities at a higher rate than whites, wrongly convicts
thousands of citizens, and incarcerates hundreds of thousands of nonviolent
offenders each year.
When I was a young reporter I covered a Court Martial at
Fort Bragg, N.C., the defendant was accused of physically assaulting his
10-year-old son with a stick. The
prosecution had disturbing photos of the dark purple welts on the victims back
and legs as well as a confession from the soldier. The senior sergeant did not deny beating his
son. He was a black soldier and he said
that this was the way his mother disciplined him growing up and that black
children need firm discipline to keep them out of trouble. I don’t know if this is true, but that is the
way the defendant felt, that was his cultural bias.
Had this case been tried in a civilian court, the sergeant
would have been convicted quickly of a F3 or F4 felony child assault and
probably serve a decade in prison. His
family would have been instantly thrown into poverty, lost their base housing,
and referred to health and human services and forgotten. The sergeant, once he got out of prison, would
have a felony record and have difficulties finding a job or a place to
live. He would also have the burden of
restitution and accumulated child support; in short he would be buried in debt with
no way out and no way to help his family.
You have to look long and hard to find justice in this outcome, everyone
would lose. The son would be more likely
to drop out of school, live in poverty, and be involved with the criminal
justice system himself.
However, I have to admit, seeing the evidence I wanted to
throw the man in jail for years, the victim was innocent and the wounds were terrible. The senior officers that sat on the Court
Martial panel, a form of jury, saw things a little more clearly. They knew they had other options, besides
prison, available that would allow them to punish the actions of the sergeant
while supporting the victim. The
sergeant could be restricted to the company barracks and denied unsupervised
visitation with his son, he could be required to work extra-duty and have his
weekend privileges revoked, basically a 24/7 work gang. The sergeant could be required to attend
mental health treatment. The family, on
the other hand, would be allowed to stay in their base housing, because the
soldier would still be in the military.
The soldier would still have an income to pay child support and victim’s
treatment for his son and wife. The son would be allowed to remain in the base
school where there is a support system for children who routinely endure trauma
associated with 10-years of war.
The officer’s ruling, they decided not to send the sergeant
to prison, would mostly likely anger many civilians and the Senate subcommittee
that do not understand all the avenues open to the military to ensure justice
is served to all. And that’s the danger
of having 99 percent of the population clueless about the lives of the one
percent who we place so much responsibility.
*Remember the Air Force Academy Cadets accused of sexual
assault in Colorado Springs? Had these
college students been charged in a civilian court they would be serving life
sentences under Colorado’s harsh Lifetime Supervision Act that has incarcerated
thousands for over a decade.
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